After the Mortality: Florence, 1348

Ma per quello che trovar si possa per le scritture, dal generale diluvio in qua, non fu universale giudicio di mortalità che tanto comprendesse l’universo, come quella che ne’ nostri dì avvenne. Nella quale mortalità, considerando la moltitudine che allora vivea, in comparazione di coloro che erano in vita al tempo del generale diluvio, assai più ne morirono in questa che in quello, secondo la estimazione di molti discreti.

But from what can be found in the writings, from the general Flood until now, there was no universal judgment of mortality that so embraced the universe as that which happened in our days. In which mortality, considering the multitude that then lived, in comparison with those who were alive at the time of the general Flood, many more died in this than in that, according to the estimate of many discerning [men].

But as far as can be found in the writings, since the great Flood1 there has been no judgment of death that took in the whole world as did the one that came in our days. Considering how many people were alive then, compared with those alive at the time of the Flood, many more died in this mortality than in the Flood, in the estimate of many wise men.

1. The flood in the Bible from which only Noah and his family were saved. The cut opening of this chapter tells the story.

Nella quale mortalità avendo renduta l’anima a Dio l’autore della cronica nominata la Cronica di Giovanni Villani cittadino di Firenze, al quale per sangue e per dilezione fui strettamente congiunto, dopo molto gravi fortune, con più conoscimento della calamità del mondo che la prosperità di quello non m’avea dimostrato, propuosi nell’animo mio fare alla nostra varia e calamitosa materia cominciamento a questo tempo, come a uno rinnovellamento di tempo e secolo, comprendendo annualmente le novità che appariranno di memoria degne, giusta la possa del debole ingegno, come più certa fede per li tempi avvenire ne potremo avere.

In which mortality, the author of the chronicle named the Chronicle of Giovanni Villani, citizen of Florence, to whom I was closely joined by blood and by affection, having rendered his soul to God, after very grave fortunes, with more knowledge of the calamity of the world than its prosperity had shown me, I resolved in my mind to make a beginning of our varied and calamitous matter at this time, as at a renewal of time and age, comprising year by year the new events that shall appear worthy of memory, according to the power of [my] weak wit, as we shall be able to have more certain faith of them, for the times to come.

In this mortality the author of the chronicle called the Chronicle of Giovanni Villani, a citizen of Florence, gave back his soul to God. I was closely bound to him by blood and by love.2 After many heavy blows of fortune, which taught me more about the world’s misfortunes than its good times ever had, I resolved to begin our varied and calamitous story at this point, as at a renewal of time and of the age. Year by year I will record the events that seem worth remembering, as far as my weak mind allows and as surely as we can learn of them, for the times to come.

2. Giovanni Villani, Matteo’s brother, whose chronicle of Florence breaks off in 1348.

Quanto durava il tempo della moria in catuno parte. Avendo per cominciamento nel nostro princìpio a raccontare lo sterminio della generazione umana, e convenendone divisare il tempo e il modo, la qualità e la quantità di quella, stupidisce la mente appressandosi a scrivere la sentenzia, che la divina giustizia con molta misericordia mandò sopra gli uomini, degni per la corruzione del peccato di final giudizio. Ma pensando l’utilità salutevole che di questa memoria puole addivenire alle nazioni che dopo noi seguiranno, con più sicurtà del nostro animo così cominciamo.

[Chapter heading:] How long the time of the dying lasted in each part. Having, as a beginning in our opening, to recount the extermination of the human race, and it being fitting to describe the time and the manner, the quality and the quantity of it, the mind is stunned approaching to write the sentence that divine justice with much mercy sent upon men, worthy, through the corruption of sin, of final judgment. But thinking of the salutary usefulness that from this record can come to the nations that will follow after us, with more assurance of our spirit we begin thus.

To open this work I must tell of the destruction of the human race, and describe its time and manner, its nature and its extent. My mind is stunned as I come to write of the sentence that God’s justice, with great mercy, passed on mankind,3 who for their corruption by sin deserved the Last Judgment. But when I think how useful this record may be to the peoples who will come after us, I take heart and begin.

3. The belief that God sent disease to punish sin.

Videsi negli anni di Cristo, dalla sua salutevole incarnazione 1346, la congiunzione di tre superiori pianeti nel segno dell’Aquario, della quale congiunzione si disse per gli astrolaghi che Saturno fu signore: onde pronosticarono al mondo grandi e gravi novitadi; ma simile congiunzione per li tempi passati molte altre volte stata e mostrata, la influenzia per altri particulari accidenti non parve cagione di questa, ma piuttosto divino giudicio secondo la disposizione dell’assoluta volontà di Dio.

There was seen in the years of Christ, from his saving Incarnation, 1346, the conjunction of three superior planets in the sign of Aquarius, of which conjunction it was said by the astrologers that Saturn was lord: whence they foretold to the world great and grave new events; but, a similar conjunction having been and been shown many other times in past times, the influence, through other particular accidents, did not seem the cause of this, but rather divine judgment according to the disposition of the absolute will of God.

In the year 1346 of Christ’s saving Incarnation, a conjunction of the three upper planets was seen in the sign of Aquarius.4 The astrologers said that Saturn was its lord, and so they foretold great and grievous events for the world. But a similar conjunction had appeared many times before. So its influence, together with other particular circumstances, did not seem to be the cause of this pestilence. The cause seemed rather to be God’s judgment, as the absolute will of God ordained.

4. Many medieval scholars blamed epidemics on the positions of the stars and planets. The three upper planets are Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn.

Cominciossi nelle parti d’Oriente, nel detto anno, inverso il Cattai e l’India superiore, e nelle altre provincie circustanti a quelle marine dell’oceano, una pestilenzia tra gli uomini d’ogni condizione di catuna età e sesso, che cominciavano a sputare sangue, e morivano chi di subito, chi in due o in tre dì, e alquanti sostenevano più al morire. E avveniva, che chi era a servire questi malati, appiccandosi quella malattia, o infetti di quella medesima corruzione incontanente malavano, e morivano per somigliante modo; e a’ più ingrossava l’anguinaia, e a molti sotto le ditella delle braccia a destra e a sinistra, e altri in altre parti del corpo, che quasi generalmente alcuna enfiatura singulare nel corpo infetto si dimostrava. Questa pestilenzia si venne di tempo in tempo, e di gente in gente apprendendo, comprese infra il termine d’uno anno la terza parte del mondo che si chiama Asia.

There began in the parts of the East, in the said year, toward Cathay and upper India, and in the other provinces around those seacoasts of the ocean, a pestilence among people of every condition, of every age and sex, who began to spit blood, and died, some suddenly, some in two or three days, and some held out longer in dying. And it happened that whoever was serving these sick, that sickness catching, or infected with that same corruption, immediately fell sick and died in like manner; and in most the groin swelled, and in many under the armpits, right and left, and in others in other parts of the body, so that almost generally some single swelling showed in the infected body. This pestilence went on from time to time, and, taking hold from people to people, took in within the term of one year the third part of the world, which is called Asia.

In that same year a pestilence began in the East, toward Cathay5 and upper India and the other lands along those ocean coasts. It struck people of every rank, age, and sex. They began to spit blood and died, some at once, some in two or three days, and some lingered longer. Whoever cared for these sick people caught the disease, or was infected with the same corruption, and at once fell ill and died in the same way. Most got a swelling in the groin, many under the armpits, right or left, and others elsewhere on the body. Almost always some single swelling appeared on the infected body. This pestilence spread over time from people to people, and within a year it took in Asia, the third part of the world.

5. Northern China.

E nell’ultimo di questo tempo s’aggiunse alle nazioni del Mare maggiore, e alle ripe del Mare tirreno, nella Soria e Turchia, e in verso lo Egitto e la riviera del Mar rosso, e dalla parte settentrionale la Rossia e la Grecia, e l’Erminia e l’altre conseguenti provincie. E in quello tempo galee d’italiani si partirono del Mare maggiore, e della Soria e di Romania per fuggire la morte, e recare le loro mercatanzie in Italia: e’ non poterono cansare, che gran parte di loro non morisse in mare di quella infermità. E arrivati in Cicilia conversaro co’ paesani, e lasciarvi di loro malati, onde incontanente si cominciò quella pestilenzia ne’ Ciciliani. E venendo le dette galee a Pisa, e poi a Genova, per la conversazione di quegli uomini cominciò la mortalità ne’ detti luoghi, ma non generale. Poi conseguendo il tempo ordinato da Dio a’ paesi, la Cicilia tutta fu involta in questa mortale pestilenzia.

And at the end of this time it reached the nations of the Great Sea, and the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Syria and Turkey, and toward Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, and on the northern side Russia and Greece, and Armenia and the other neighboring provinces. And at that time galleys of Italians left the Great Sea, and Syria and Romania, to flee death and bring their merchandise to Italy: they could not avoid that a great part of them died at sea of that sickness. And having arrived in Sicily they mixed with the inhabitants, and left there some of their sick, whence immediately that pestilence began among the Sicilians. And the said galleys coming to Pisa, and then to Genoa, through the dealings of those men the mortality began in the said places, but not general. Then, the time ordained by God for the countries following on, all Sicily was wrapped in this deadly pestilence.

Toward the end of that time it reached the peoples of the Great Sea6 and the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Syria and Turkey, toward Egypt and the coast of the Red Sea, and to the north Russia, Greece, Armenia, and the lands beyond. At that time Italian galleys left the Great Sea, Syria, and Romania7 to flee death and bring their goods to Italy. They could not keep a great part of their crews from dying of the sickness at sea. When they arrived in Sicily they mixed with the people there and left some of their sick behind, and at once the pestilence began among the Sicilians. When the galleys came to Pisa and then to Genoa, the mortality began in those places through contact with those men, but it did not become general. Then, when the time God had set for each country came, all Sicily was caught up in this deadly pestilence.

6. The Black Sea.
7. The lands of the Byzantine Empire, which still called itself the Roman Empire.

E l’Affrica nelle marine, e nelle sue provincie di verso levante, e le rive del nostro Mare tirreno. E venendo di tempo in tempo verso il ponente, comprese la Sardigna, e la Corsica, e l’altre isole di questo mare; e dall’altra parte, ch’è detta Europa, per simigliante modo aggiunse alle parti vicine verso il ponente, volgendosi verso il mezzogiorno con più aspro assalimento che sotto le parti settentrionali. E negli anni di Cristo 1348 ebbe infetta tutta Italia, salvo che la città di Milano, e certi circustanti all’Alpi, che dividono l’Italia dall’Alamagna, ove gravò poco. E in questo medesimo anno cominciò a passare le montagne, e stendersi in Proenza, e in Savoia, e nel Dalfinato, e in Borgogna, e per la marina di Marsilia e d’Acquamorta, e per la Catalogna, e nell’isola di Maiolica, e in Ispagna e in Granata. E nel 1349 ebbe compreso fino nel ponente, le rive del Mare oceano, d’Europa e d’Affrica e d’Irlanda, e l’isola d’Inghilterra e di Scozia, e l’altre isole di ponente, e tutto infra terra con quasi eguale mortalità salvo in Brabante ove poco offese. E nel 1350 premette gli Alamanni, e gli Ungheri, Frigia, Danesmarche, Gotti, e Vandali, e gli altri popoli e nazioni settentrionali.

And Africa on the coasts, and in its provinces toward the east, and the shores of our Tyrrhenian Sea. And coming from time to time toward the west, it took in Sardinia, and Corsica, and the other islands of this sea; and on the other side, which is called Europe, in like manner it reached the nearby parts toward the west, turning toward the south with harsher assault than in the northern parts. And in the years of Christ 1348 it had infected all Italy, except the city of Milan and certain [places] around the Alps, which divide Italy from Germany, where it weighed little. And in this same year it began to cross the mountains and spread into Provence, and Savoy, and the Dauphiné, and Burgundy, and along the coast of Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, and through Catalonia, and in the island of Majorca, and in Spain and in Granada. And in 1349 it had taken in, as far as the west, the shores of the Ocean Sea, of Europe and of Africa and of Ireland, and the island of England and of Scotland, and the other islands of the west, and all inland with almost equal mortality, except in Brabant, where it harmed little. And in 1350 it pressed the Germans, and the Hungarians, Frisia [?], Denmark, Goths and Vandals, and the other northern peoples and nations.

It took in the coasts of Africa and its eastern lands, and the shores of our Tyrrhenian Sea. Moving westward over time, it took in Sardinia, Corsica, and the other islands of this sea. On the other side, called Europe, it reached the nearby lands to the west in the same way, striking the south more fiercely than the north. In the year of Christ 1348 it had infected all Italy except the city of Milan and some places near the Alps, which divide Italy from Germany; there it weighed lightly. That same year it began to cross the mountains and spread into Provence, Savoy, the Dauphiné, and Burgundy, along the coast at Marseille and Aigues-Mortes, and into Catalonia, the island of Majorca, Spain, and Granada. By 1349 it had reached the shores of the Ocean in the far west, in Europe, Africa, and Ireland, the islands of England and Scotland, and the other western islands. Inland, too, the mortality was almost equal everywhere, except in Brabant, where it did little harm. In 1350 it bore down on the Germans, the Hungarians, Frisia, Denmark, the Goths and Vandals, and the other peoples and nations of the north.

E la successione di questa pestilenzia durava nel paese ove s’apprendeva cinque mesi continovi, ovvero cinque lunari: e questo avemmo per isperienza certa di molti paesi. Avvenne, perché parea che questa pestifera infezione s’appiccasse per la veduta e per lo toccamento che come l’uomo, o la femmina o i fanciulli si conoscevano malati di quella enfiatura, molti n’abbandonavano, e innumerabile quantità ne morirono, che sarebbono campati se fossono stati aiutati delle cose bisognevoli. Tra gl’infedeli cominciò questa inumanità crudele, che le madri e’ padri abbandonavano i figliuoli, e i figliuoli le madri e’ padri, e l’uno fratello l’altro e gli altri congiunti, cosa crudele e maravigliosa, e molto strana dalla umana natura, detestata tra i fedeli cristiani, nei quali, seguendo le nazioni barbare, questa crudeltà si trovò.

And the succession of this pestilence lasted in the country where it took hold five continuous months, or five lunar [months]: and this we had by certain experience from many countries. It happened, because it seemed that this pestilent infection caught by sight and by touch, that as soon as a man, or a woman or children knew themselves sick of that swelling, many abandoned them, and an innumerable quantity of them died who would have escaped if they had been helped with needful things. Among the infidels this cruel inhumanity began, that mothers and fathers abandoned children, and children mothers and fathers, and one brother the other and the other kin, a cruel and astonishing thing, and very foreign to human nature, detested among faithful Christians, in whom, following the barbarous nations, this cruelty was found.

In each country it reached, this pestilence lasted five months in a row, or five lunar months. We know this for certain from the experience of many countries. People thought this deadly infection was caught by sight and by touch.8 So when a man, a woman, or children found they had the swelling, many people abandoned them. Countless numbers died who would have lived if they had been helped with what they needed. This cruel inhumanity began among the unbelievers. Mothers and fathers abandoned their children, and children their mothers and fathers, and brother abandoned brother and other kin. It was a cruel and astonishing thing, utterly against human nature and hateful among faithful Christians. Yet this cruelty was found among them too, following the example of the barbarous nations.

8. The idea that disease passed from person to person by touch, breath, or objects, long before anyone knew about germs. Some believed even a look could pass it on.

Essendo cominciata nella nostra città di Firenze, fu biasimata da’ discreti la sperienza veduta di molti, i quali si provvidono, e rinchiusono in luoghi solitari, e di sana aria forniti d’ogni buona cosa da vivere, ove non era sospetto di gente infetta; in diverse contrade il divino giudicio (a cui non si può serrare le porti) gli abbattè come gli altri che non s’erano provveduti. E molti altri, i quali si dispuosero alla morte per servire i loro parenti e amici malati, camparono avendo male, e assai non l’ebbono continovando quello servigio; per la qual cosa ciascuno si ravvide, e cominciarono senza sospetto ad aiutare e servire l’uno l’altro; onde molti guarirono, ed erano più sicuri a servire gli altri.

It having begun in our city of Florence, the experience seen of many was blamed by the discerning, who provided for themselves and shut themselves up in solitary places, and with healthy air, furnished with every good thing for living, where there was no suspicion of infected people; in various districts divine judgment (to which one cannot lock the doors) struck them down like the others who had not provided for themselves. And many others, who prepared themselves for death in order to serve their sick relatives and friends, escaped though they had the illness, and many did not get it while continuing that service; for which reason everyone saw his error, and they began without suspicion to help and serve one another; whence many recovered, and were safer in serving others.

When it began in our city of Florence, wise people judged harshly what they saw happen to many. These people had provided for themselves and shut themselves up in lonely places with healthy air, stocked with every good thing for living, where there was no fear of infected people. Yet in various places God’s judgment, against which no one can lock the doors, struck them down like those who had made no such provision. Many others prepared themselves to die so that they could care for their sick relatives and friends. They fell ill but survived, and many did not get sick at all though they went on with that care. Seeing this, everyone saw their mistake, and people began to help and care for one another without fear. So many recovered, and they were safer in caring for others.

Nella nostra città cominciò generale all’entrare del mese d’aprile gli anni Domini 1348, e durò fino al cominciamento del mese di settembre del detto anno. E morì tra nella città, contado e distretto di Firenze, d’ogni sesso e di catuna età de’ cinque i tre, e più, compensando il minuto popolo e i mezzani e’ maggiori, perchè alquanto fu più menomato, perchè cominciò prima, ed ebbe meno aiuto, e più disagi e difetti. E nel generale per tutto il mondo mancò la generazione umana per simigliante numero e modo, secondo le novelle che avemmo di molti paesi strani, e di molte provincie del mondo. Ben furono provincie nel Levante dove vie più ne morire.

In our city it began generally at the entry of the month of April in the years of the Lord 1348, and lasted until the beginning of the month of September of the said year. And there died, between the city, countryside, and district of Florence, of every sex and of every age, of five three, and more, balancing the little people and the middling and the great, because [the little people] was somewhat more diminished, because it began [among them] earlier, and had less help, and more hardships and wants. And in general throughout the world the human race was diminished in similar number and manner, according to the news we had from many foreign countries and many provinces of the world. There were indeed provinces in the Levant where many more died.

In our city it became general at the start of April in the year of the Lord 1348, and lasted until the beginning of September of that year. In the city, the countryside, and the district of Florence, three out of every five people died, and more, of every sex and age.9 That is counting the common people, the middle sort, and the great together. The common people lost somewhat more, because it began among them earlier, and they had less help and more hardships and wants. Generally throughout the world, people died in similar numbers and ways, according to the news we had from many foreign countries and many lands. There were indeed lands in the East where far more died.

9. An estimate, not a count.

Di questa pestifera infermità i medici in catuna parte del mondo, per filosofia naturale, o per tisica, o per arte d’astrologia non ebbono argomento nè vera cura. Alquanti per guadagnare andarono visitando e dando loro argomenti, li quali per la loro morte mostrarono l’arte essere fitta, e non vera: e assai per coscienza lasciarono a ristituire i danari che di ciò aveano presi indebitamente.

Of this pestilent sickness the doctors in every part of the world, by natural philosophy, or by physic, or by the art of astrology, had no remedy nor true cure. Some, to gain [money], went visiting and giving them remedies, who by their death showed the art to be feigned and not true: and many, out of conscience, left [instructions] to restore the money they had taken for it wrongfully.

Doctors everywhere in the world, whether they relied on natural philosophy, medicine, or astrology, found no remedy or true cure for this deadly sickness. Some went around visiting the sick and giving them remedies to make money. By dying themselves they showed that their art was false and not true. And many, out of conscience, left orders that the money they had wrongly taken for this be paid back.

Avemmo da mercatanti genovesi, uomini degni di fede, che aveano avute novelle di que’ paesi, che alquanto tempo innanzi a questa pestilenzia, nelle parti dell’Asia superiore uscì della terra, ovvero cadde dal cielo un fuoco grandissimo, il quale stendendosi verso il ponente, arse e consumò grandissimo paese senza alcuno riparo. E alquanti dissono, che del puzzo di questo fuoco si generò la materia corruttibile della generale pestilenzia: ma questo non possiamo accertare. Appresso sapemmo da uno venerabile frate minore di Firenze vescovo di . . . del Regno, uomo degno di fede, che s’era trovato in quelle parti dov’è la città di Lamech ne’ tempi della mortalità, che tre dì e tre notti piovvono in quello paese biscie con sangue che appuzzarono e corruppono tutte le contrade: e in quella tempesta fu abbattuto parte del tempio di Maometto, e alquanto della sua sepoltura.

We had from Genoese merchants, men worthy of trust, who had had news of those countries, that some time before this pestilence, in the parts of upper Asia, there came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, a very great fire, which, spreading toward the west, burned and consumed a very great country without any remedy. And some said that from the stench of this fire was generated the corruptible matter of the general pestilence: but this we cannot confirm. Next we learned from a venerable Friar Minor of Florence, bishop of . . . in the Kingdom, a man worthy of trust, who had been in those parts where the city of Lamech is, in the times of the mortality, that for three days and three nights it rained in that country snakes with blood, which made all the districts stink and corrupted them: and in that storm part of the temple of Muhammad was knocked down, and some of his tomb.

We heard from Genoese merchants, trustworthy men who had news from those lands, that some time before this pestilence a huge fire came out of the earth, or fell from the sky, in upper Asia. It spread westward and burned up a vast country, and nothing could stop it. Some said that the stench of this fire produced the corrupt matter of the general pestilence,10 but we cannot confirm this. Next we learned from a venerable Franciscan friar from Florence, bishop of ... in the Kingdom,11 a trustworthy man, who had been in the region of the city of Lamech at the time of the mortality. He told us that for three days and three nights it rained snakes mixed with blood in that country, and they made the whole region stink and corrupted it. In that storm part of the temple of Muhammad was knocked down, and part of his tomb.12

10. The belief that disease spread through foul or poisoned air, often from rot. Here the foul air is said to come from a great fire.
11. The Kingdom of Naples, in southern Italy. The edition leaves the bishop’s see blank.
12. Muhammad’s tomb is in Medina, in Arabia.

Della indulgenza diede il papa per la detta pistolenza. In questi tempi della mortale pestilenzia, papa Clemente sesto fece grande indulgenza generale della pena di tutti i peccati a coloro che pentuti e confessi la domandavano a’ loro confessori, e morivano: e in quella certa mortalità catuno cristiano credendosi morire si disponea bene, e con molta contrizione e pazienzia rendevano l’anima a Dio.

[Chapter heading:] Of the indulgence the pope gave for the said pestilence. In these times of the deadly pestilence, Pope Clement the Sixth made a great general indulgence of the penalty of all sins to those who, repentant and confessed, asked it of their confessors, and died: and in that certain mortality every Christian, believing he would die, prepared himself well, and with much contrition and patience they rendered their souls to God.

In these times of the deadly pestilence, Pope Clement VI granted a great general indulgence, a release from the punishment for all sins, to those who repented, confessed, asked their confessors for it, and died.13 And in that certain mortality every Christian, believing he would die, prepared himself well, and they gave back their souls to God with deep sorrow for their sins and with patience.

13. An indulgence released a person from the punishment still due after death for sins already forgiven. A general one for the dying was granted only at special times.

Come gli uomini furono peggiori che prima. Stimossi per quelli pochi discreti che rimasono in vita molte cose, che per la corruzione del peccato tutte fallirono agli avvisi degli uomini, seguendo nel contradio maravigliosamente. Credettesi che gli uomini, i quali Iddio per grazia avea riserbati in vita, avendo veduto lo sterminio de’ loro prossimi, e di tutte le nazioni del mondo, udito il simigliante, che divenissono di migliore condizione, umili, virtudiosi e cattolici, guardassonsi dall’iniquità e dai peccati, e fossono pieni d’amore e di carità l’uno contra l’altro. Ma di presente restata la mortalità apparve il contradio; che gli uomini trovandosi pochi, e abbondanti per l’eredità e successioni de’ beni terreni, dimenticando le cose passate come state non fossono, si dierono alla più sconcia e disonesta vita che prima non aveano usata.

[Chapter heading:] How men were worse than before. It was thought by those few discerning ones who remained alive many things, which, because of the corruption of sin, all failed men’s expectations, following [turning out] the contrary marvelously. It was believed that the men whom God by grace had kept alive, having seen the extermination of their neighbors and having heard the like of all the nations of the world, would become of better condition, humble, virtuous and Catholic, would guard themselves from iniquity and from sins, and would be full of love and charity one toward another. But as soon as the mortality stopped the contrary appeared; for men, finding themselves few, and abundant [rich] through the inheritances and successions of earthly goods, forgetting past things as if they had not been, gave themselves to a more unseemly and dishonest life than they had used before.

The few wise people who were left alive expected many things. But because of the corruption of sin, all these hopes failed, and astonishingly the opposite happened. People believed that those whom God in his grace had kept alive would become better. They had seen their neighbors destroyed, and heard that the same had happened to all the nations of the world. So, it was thought, they would become humble, virtuous, and devout, would keep away from wickedness and sin, and would be full of love and charity for one another. But as soon as the mortality stopped, the opposite appeared. People found themselves few, and rich from the property they had inherited. They forgot the past as if it had never been, and gave themselves to a more shameful and immoral life than they had ever lived before.

Perocché vacando in ozio, usavano dissolutamente il peccato della gola, i conviti, taverne e delizie con dilicate vivande, e’ giuochi, scorrendo senza freno alla lussuria, trovando nei vestimenti strane e disusate fogge e disoneste maniere, mutando nuove forme a tutti gli arredi. E il minuto popolo, uomini e femmine, per la soperchia abbondanza che si trovarono delle cose, non voleano lavorare agli usati mestieri; e le più care e dilicate vivande voleano per loro vita, e a libito si maritavano, vestendo le fanti e le vili femmine tutte le belle e care robe delle orrevoli donne morte. E senza alcuno ritegno quasi tutta la nostra città scorse alla disonesta vita; e così, e peggio, l’altre città o provincie del mondo.

For, living in idleness, they practiced dissolutely the sin of gluttony, banquets, taverns, and delights with delicate foods, and games, running without rein into lust, finding in clothes strange and unaccustomed fashions and immodest manners, changing all furnishings into new forms. And the little people, men and women, because of the excessive abundance of things they found themselves with, would not work at the usual trades; and wanted the dearest and most delicate foods for their living, and married at will, the servant girls and the low women dressing in all the beautiful and costly gowns of the honorable dead ladies. And without any restraint almost all our city ran into dishonest life; and so, and worse, the other cities or provinces of the world.

Living in idleness, they gave themselves without restraint to the sin of gluttony, to banquets, taverns, and pleasures with fine foods, and to gambling. They ran unbridled into lust. They invented strange new fashions and immodest styles of dress, and gave new shapes to all their furnishings. The common people, men and women, had such an excess of goods that they would not work at their usual trades. They wanted the most costly and delicate foods to live on. They married as they pleased, and servant girls and lowly women dressed in all the beautiful, costly gowns of the respectable ladies who had died. Almost our whole city ran into this shameful life without restraint, and the other cities and lands of the world did the same, or worse.

E secondo le novelle che sentire potemmo, niuna parte fu, in cui vivente in continenza si riserbasse, campati dal divino furore, stimando la mano di Dio essere stanca. Ma secondo il profeta Isaia, non è abbreviato il furore d’Iddio, nè la sua mano stanca, ma molto si compiace nella sua misericordia, e però lavora sostenendo, per ritrarre i peccatori a conversione e penitenzia, e punisce temperatamente.

And according to the news that we could hear, there was no part in which, living in continence, they held themselves back, [being] escaped from the divine fury, thinking the hand of God to be tired. But according to the prophet Isaiah, the fury of God is not shortened, nor his hand tired, but he takes much pleasure in his mercy, and therefore works by forbearing, to draw sinners to conversion and penance, and punishes moderately.

From the news we could hear, there was no place where people restrained themselves and lived chastely. Having escaped God’s fury, they thought the hand of God was tired. But as the prophet Isaiah says, God’s fury is not shortened, nor is his hand tired.14 He delights greatly in his mercy, and so he holds back, to draw sinners to turn to him and repent, and he punishes in moderation.

14. Villani recalls Isaiah 59:1, “the Lord’s hand is not shortened.”

Come si stimò dovizia, e seguì carestia. Stimossi per il mancamento della gente dovere essere dovizia di tutte le cose che la terra produce, e in contradio per l’ingratitudine degli uomini ogni cosa venne in disusata carestia, e continovò lungo tempo: ma in certi paesi, come narreremo, furono gravi e disusate fami. E ancora si pensò essere dovizia e abbondanza di vestimenti, e di tutte l’altre cose che al corpo umano sono di bisogno oltre alla vita, e il contrario apparve in fatto lungamente; che due cotanti o più valsono la maggior parte delle cose che valere non soleano innanzi alla detta mortalità. E il lavorio, e le manifatture d’ogni arte e mestiero montò oltre al doppio consueto disordinatamente. Piati, quistioni, contraversie e riotte sursono da ogni parte tra’ cittadini di catuna terra, per cagione dell’eredità e successioni. E la nostra città di Firenze lungamente ne riempiè le sue corti con grandi spendii e disusate gravezze. Guerre, e diversi scandali si mossone per tutto l’universo, contro alle opinioni degli uomini.

[Chapter heading:] How plenty was expected, and scarcity followed. It was thought that, because of the lack of people, there must be plenty of all the things that the earth produces, and on the contrary, because of the ingratitude of men, everything came into unaccustomed scarcity, and it continued a long time: and in certain countries, as we shall tell, there were severe and unaccustomed famines. And it was also thought there would be plenty and abundance of clothing and of all the other things that the human body needs besides life [food], and the contrary appeared in fact for a long time; for most things were worth twice as much or more than they used to be worth before the said mortality. And labor, and the manufactures of every craft and trade, rose beyond double the usual, in disorderly fashion. Lawsuits, disputes, controversies, and quarrels arose on every side among the citizens of every town, because of inheritances and successions. And our city of Florence for a long time filled its courts with them, with great expenses and unaccustomed burdens. Wars and various scandals arose throughout the universe, against men’s opinions.

People thought that, with so many gone, there would be plenty of everything the earth produces. Instead, because of human ingratitude, everything became unusually scarce, and stayed so for a long time. In certain countries, as we will tell, there were severe and unusual famines. People also thought there would be plenty of clothing and of everything else the body needs besides food. In fact the opposite was true for a long time: most things cost twice as much as they had before the mortality, or more. Wages, and the price of goods made in every craft and trade, rose wildly to more than double. Lawsuits, disputes, and quarrels sprang up on every side among the citizens of every town over inheritances. For a long time our city of Florence filled its courts with them, at great cost and unusual burden. Wars and all kinds of trouble broke out everywhere, against everyone’s expectations.