The Mi'kmaq and the French, and the Sickness among Them

Ils s'estonnent & se plaignent souuẽt de ce que dés que les Frãçois hantent & ont commerce auec eux, ils se meurent fort, & se depeuplent. Car ils asseurent qu'auant ceste hantise, & frequentation, toutes leurs terres estoyent fort populeuses, & historient par ordre coste par coste, qu'à mesure qu'ils ont plus cõmencé à traffiquer auecques nous, ils ont plus esté rauagez de maladies: adjoustans, que la cause pourquoy les Armouchiquoys se maintiennent en leur nombrosité, c'est à leur aduis, parce qu'ils ne sont point nonchalants.

They are astonished and often complain that, as soon as the French frequent and have trade with them, they die a great deal and are depopulated. For they assert that before this frequenting and association, all their lands were very populous, and [they] tell the history in order, coast by coast, that as they have begun more to traffic with us, the more they have been ravaged by sicknesses: adding that the reason why the Armouchiquois maintain themselves in their numerousness is, in their opinion, because they are not at all careless [idle?].

They are astonished, and they often complain, that ever since the French have come among them and traded with them, they have been dying in great numbers and their land is emptying of people. They insist that before this contact, all their lands were thickly peopled. They tell the history in order, coast by coast: the more they began to trade with us, the more they were ravaged by sickness. They add that, in their opinion, the Armouchiquois1 keep up their numbers because they are not idle.

1. Biard’s name for the peoples of the coast farther south, in what is now southern Maine and beyond. He does not say why they are not nonchalants (careless, idle); perhaps because they farmed.

Là dessus ils alambiquent souuent leur cerueau, & tantost ils opinent, que les François les empoisonnent, ce qui est faux: tantost qu'ils donnent du poison aux scelerats, & peruers de leur natiõ, pour s'en seruir à l'exequution de leur malice. Ceste posterieure coniecture n'est pas sans exemple: car nous auons veu du reagal, & du sublimé entre leurs mains, lequel ils disoyent auoir acheté de certains Chirurgiens François, à fin de faire mourir tous ceux qu'il leur plairoit, & se vantoyent l'auoir ja experimenté sur vn captif, lequel (disoyent-ils) estoit mort vn iour apres la prinse.

On this they often distill [rack] their brain, and sometimes they hold that the French poison them, which is false: sometimes that they give poison to the wicked and perverse of their nation, to use it for the execution of their malice. This latter conjecture is not without example: for we have seen realgar and sublimate in their hands, which they said they had bought from certain French Surgeons, in order to make die all those whom it would please them, and boasted of having already tried it on a captive, who (they said) had died one day after the taking.

They often rack their brains over this. Sometimes they believe that the French are poisoning them, which is false. At other times they think the French give poison to the wicked and evil men of their own nation, who use it to carry out their spite. This second guess is not without examples. We have seen realgar and sublimate2 in their hands. They said they had bought it from certain French surgeons so that they could kill anyone they pleased. They boasted that they had already tried it on a captive, who, they said, died one day after he took it.

2. Realgar is a red arsenic mineral; sublimate is mercury chloride. Both are deadly poisons, and both were also used in medicine at the time.

Autres se plaignent qu'on leur desguise souuent, & sophistique les marchandises, & qu'on leur vend des pois, febues, prunes, pain, & autres choses gastees? & que c'est cela qui leur corromp le corps, & dont s'engendrẽt les dysenteries & autres maladies, qui ont coustume de les saisir en Automne. Ceste raison de mesme ne se propose pas sans productiõ d'exemples, dont ils ont esté souuent sur le poinct de rompre auecques nous, & de nous faire la guerre. Certes il y auroit bon besoin de pouruoir à ces meurtres execrables, par remedes conuenables si lon en pouuoit trouuer aucun.

Others complain that one often disguises and adulterates the merchandise for them, and that one sells them peas, beans, prunes, bread and other spoiled things? and that it is that which corrupts their body, and from which are engendered the dysenteries and other sicknesses which are accustomed to seize them in Autumn. This reason likewise is not put forward without the production of examples, on account of which they have often been on the point of breaking with us and making war on us. Certainly there would be good need to provide against these execrable murders, by suitable remedies, if one could find any.

Others complain that the goods they are sold are often disguised and adulterated, and that they are sold spoiled peas, beans, prunes, bread, and other things. They say it is this that corrupts their bodies and breeds the dysentery3 and other sicknesses that usually seize them in the autumn. This reason, too, is backed by examples. Because of it, they have often been on the point of breaking with us and making war on us. Truly, these hateful murders badly need to be stopped by fitting remedies, if any could be found.

3. Severe, often bloody diarrhea. Biard’s word covers any such sickness; Membertou died of it in 1611.

Neantmoins la principale cause de toutes ces morts & maladies n'est pas ce qu'ils disent: ains c'est à leur honte; que l'Esté nos nauires venus ils ne cessent de plusieurs sepmaines s'engorger outre mesure de plusieurs viandes non accoustumés auec oisiueté, d'yurongner, & au vin adiouster encores l'eau de vie; dont n'est pas de merueille si despuis l'Automne suiuant, il faut qu'ils endurent des trenchées de ventre.

Nevertheless the principal cause of all these deaths and sicknesses is not what they say: but it is to their shame; that in Summer, our ships having come, they do not stop for several weeks gorging themselves beyond measure on several unaccustomed foods with idleness, getting drunk, and to the wine adding also brandy; from which it is no marvel if from the following Autumn on, they must endure gripings of the belly.

Even so, the main cause of all these deaths and sicknesses is not what they say. It is something to their shame. In summer, when our ships have come, they spend several weeks on end idly gorging themselves on foods they are not used to. They get drunk, and on top of the wine they drink brandy as well. So it is no wonder that, from the next autumn on, they suffer from griping pains in the belly.

Ceste nation est fort peu soucieuse de l'auenir, ainsi que tous les autres Americains, qui iouyssent du present: & ne sont poussez au trauail, que par la necessité presente. Tandis qu'ils ont dequoy, ils font tabagie perpetuelle; chants, danses & harangues: & s'ils sont en troupe, n'attendez pas autre chose; il y a lors belles treues par les bois. Parler de reserue s'ils ne sont en guerre, sont propos de sedition. Ils auront faim l'Hyuer, leur dirés vous: Endriex, vous respondront: c'est tout vn; nous l'endurons facilement: nous passons les sept & huict iours, voire les dix aucunefois sans manger, si n'en mourons point pour cela.

This nation is very little concerned about the future, like all the other Americans, who enjoy the present: and are not pushed to work except by present necessity. While they have something [to eat], they hold perpetual feast; songs, dances and speeches: and if they are in a band, expect nothing else; there is then a fine truce in the woods. To speak of reserve, if they are not at war, is seditious talk. They will be hungry in Winter, you will tell them: Endriex, they will answer you: it is all one; we endure it easily: we pass seven and eight days, even ten sometimes, without eating, yet we do not die of it for that.

This nation cares very little about the future, like all the other Americans. They enjoy the present, and nothing drives them to work but present need. As long as they have something to eat, they feast4 without end, with songs, dances, and speeches. If they are together in a band, expect nothing else; there is a fine truce in the woods then. To talk of saving anything, unless they are at war, is treason to them. You will tell them, “You will be hungry this winter.” Endriex,5 they will answer you: it’s all the same. “We bear it easily. We go seven or eight days, sometimes even ten, without eating, and we don’t die of it.”

4. A feast, Biard’s word for the meals and gatherings he saw among the Mi'kmaq.
5. A Mi'kmaq word Biard records. He gives its sense in French as “it is all the same.”

Toutesfois s'ils sont à part, & où leurs fẽmes puissent estre creuës (car les femmes sont par tout plus mesnageres) ils feront aucunesfois des magasins pour l'Hyuer, où ils se reserueront quelques chairs boucanées: quelques racines, du gland espeluché en noyaux, quelques pois, ou febues, ou pruneaux de la trocque, &c. La façon de ces magasins est telle. Ils mettent ces prouisions dans des sacs qu'ils enueloppent dans des grandes & amples escorces; lesquelles ils suspendent en l'air aux branches de deux ou trois arbres, liées par ensemble, à ce que les rats ny les autres bestes, ny l'humidité de la terre, ne les endommage. Voila leurs magasins. Qui les gardera? eux s'en allants: car s'ils demeuroyent, leurs magasins iroyent bien tost par terre; ils s'en vont doncques autre part iusques au temps de famine: Telles sont les gardes, qu'ils y mettent. Aussi de vray ceste nation n'est point larronnesse.

However, if they are apart, and where their women can be believed (for women are everywhere more thrifty), they will sometimes make stores for the Winter, where they will keep for themselves some smoked meats: some roots, acorns shelled into kernels, some peas or beans, or prunes from the trade, etc. The manner of these stores is this. They put these provisions in bags which they wrap in large and ample barks; which they hang in the air from the branches of two or three trees tied together, so that neither the rats nor the other beasts nor the dampness of the ground damage them. There are their stores. Who will guard them? they going away: for if they stayed, their stores would soon go to the ground; they go away then elsewhere until the time of famine: Such are the guards that they put there. Also in truth this nation is not thievish.

But when they are on their own, where their wives can be listened to (for women are thriftier everywhere), they will sometimes make stores for the winter. In them they put away some smoked meat,6 some roots, shelled acorns, and some peas, beans, or prunes from trading.7 This is how they make these stores. They put the food in bags and wrap the bags in large, wide sheets of bark. They hang these up in the air from the branches of two or three trees tied together, so that neither rats nor other animals nor the damp of the ground can spoil them. Those are their storehouses. Who will guard them while they are away? For if they stayed, they would soon eat their stores down to nothing. So they go off somewhere else until the time of hunger. That is the only guard they set over them. And in truth, this nation does not steal.

6. Smoked meat, dried over a fire to keep.
7. Trade goods from the French: dried peas, beans and prunes.

Pleust à Dieu, que les Chrestiens, qui vont à eux ne dõnassent en cela point de scandale. Mais auiourd'huy si on soupçonne aucun Sauuage d'auoir desrobé, aussi tost il vous mettra deuant le nez ceste belle defense. Nous ne sommes point larrons, comme vous, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

Would to God that the Christians who go to them gave no scandal in this. But today if one suspects any Savage of having stolen, at once he will put before your nose this fine defense. We are not thieves, like you, Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.

I wish to God that the Christians who go among them gave no bad example in this. But nowadays, if you suspect a Savage8 of stealing, he will at once throw this fine defense in your face: “We are not thieves, like you.” Ilinen auio aciquoan guiro derquir.9

8. The writer’s word, Sauuages. The French used it for the Native peoples of America; it also meant people of the forest.
9. Biard gives the sentence in Mi'kmaq after the French; the spelling is his.

Reuenants à la paucité de ce peuple, il y a encores des autres raisons d'icelle, ceste-cy principalement: qu'en vne vie tant inegale, si disetteuse, & tant laborieuse, le naturel luy peut durer, s'il n'est bien fort; & le fort mesme y reçoit des accidents souuent, & heurts irremediables. Leurs femmes aussi à cause du grand trauail ne sont pas si fecondes: car c'est le plus, si elles enfantent de deux en deux ans. Aussi ne pourroyent elles nourrir leur fruict, si elles accouchoyẽt plus souuent; veu mesmes qu'elles alaictent leurs enfans iusques à trois ans, si elles peuuẽt. Leur couche ne dure guieres, deux heures: souuent en chemin elles se deliurent, & vn peu apres reprendront leur trauail comme deuant.

Returning to the fewness of this people, there are still other reasons for it, this one principally: that in a life so uneven, so needy and so laborious, nature can last [can hardly last?] for it, if it is not very strong; and even the strong often receive accidents in it, and irremediable blows. Their women also, because of the great labor, are not so fertile: for it is the most if they give birth every two years. Also they could not nourish their fruit if they gave birth more often; seeing even that they nurse their children until three years, if they can. Their lying-in hardly lasts, two hours: often on the road they are delivered, and a little after will take up their work again as before.

To come back to why this people is so few, there are still other reasons. This is the main one: in a life so unsteady, so short of food, and so full of toil, only a very strong constitution can last. Even the strong often meet with accidents and blows they cannot recover from. Their women, too, bear fewer children because of their heavy work. At most they give birth once every two years. Nor could they feed their children if they gave birth more often, since they nurse them until the age of three if they can. Their lying-in after a birth lasts hardly two hours. They often give birth on the trail, and a little later take up their work again as before.

Ie me suis enquis souuent, combien grand pourroit estre le nombre de ce peuple: I'ay trouué par la Relation des Sauuages mesmes, que dans l'enclos de la grande riuiere, dés les Terres Neufues iusques à Chouacoët, on ne sçauroit trouuer plus de neuf ou dix mill'ames. Regardez la carte, & ie vous en donneray le denombrement. Tous les Souriquoys 3000. ou 3500. Les Eteminquois iusques à Pentegoët 2500. Dés Pentegoët iusques à Kinibequi, & de Kinibequi iusques à Chouacoët 3000. Les Montaguets 1000. Voila enuiron dix mill'ames, & ie crois que c'est pour le plus. Les autres peuples ne nous sõt pas cogneus.

I have often inquired how great the number of this people might be: I have found by the Report of the Savages themselves that within the enclosure of the great river, from the Newfoundlands to Chouacoët, one could not find more than nine or ten thousand souls. Look at the map, and I will give you the count of them. All the Souriquois 3000 or 3500. The Etheminquois as far as Pentegoët 2500. From Pentegoët to Kinibequi, and from Kinibequi to Chouacoët 3000. The Montagnais 1000. There are about ten thousand souls, and I believe that is at the most. The other peoples are not known to us.

I have often asked how large this people might be. I have learned from the Savages themselves that within the bounds of the great river,10 from Newfoundland as far as Chouacoët, you could not find more than nine or ten thousand souls. Look at the map, and I will give you the count. All the Souriquois,11 3,000 or 3,500. The Etchemins as far as Pentegoët, 2,500. From Pentegoët to Kinibequi, and from Kinibequi to Chouacoët, 3,000. The Montagnais, 1,000. That makes about ten thousand souls, and I believe that is the most there could be. The other peoples are not known to us.

10. The St. Lawrence, Biard’s “great river.” He counts the peoples from Newfoundland as far south as Chouacoët, near the Saco River in Maine.
11. The Mi'kmaq. The Etchemins were the peoples of the Saint John and St. Croix Rivers; Pentegoët and Kinibequi are the Penobscot and Kennebec Rivers, in Maine; the Montagnais are the Innu of the lower St. Lawrence.